Best german general of the war

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Yogi Yohan
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Post by Yogi Yohan »

Originally posted by john g:
Actually it didn't take Patton to thwart the German thrust in the Ardennes. The 106th div has been vilified in the years since, but they did face odds over 6-1 and held on to their forward position until the reinforcements that they were promised obviously were not coming. The German timetable was totally blown by the time that they had fought their way past the forward positions.
However heroic the stand of the 106th, this is just a local action. Had the Germans had a 6:1 OVERALL advantage, I think its safe to say they would have achieved a complete sucess, ie taken Antwerp and split the Allied front in twain. The 6:1 odds faced by the 106th Infantry Division would have been 36:1 instead.

The fact remains that the overall balance of forces involved both during operations "Frühlingswind" and "Wacht am Rhein" was certainly never better than 1:1 for the Germans, although they achieved great numerical advantage at the point of attack (At Kasserine pass, or against the 106th Division).

I do not want to demean the heroism of the US troops or the competence of their generals, and both these operations should indeed be considered US defensive successes, but you must agree that its not quite the same to hold an enemy when having a rough parity or even superiority in numbers (of troops involved in the operation), as when outnumbered 6:1 or more, again OVERALL.

If you want to quote actions at a divisional level, then German units fought off Soviet attackers at 8:1 or 10:1 odds on the Eastern Front on many occasions. But this has not so much to do with generalship as with the quality of the troops involved.

[ May 09, 2001: Message edited by: Yogi Yohan ]
Kuniworth
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Post by Kuniworth »

You got a point Yogi. Also worth mentioning is the quality of red army back in 1944. It was a war-hardened fighting machine practising blitzkrieg to the absolute limit. I would regard in many aspects asthe best in the world.
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Post by Yogi Yohan »

Originally posted by Kuniworth:
You got a point Yogi. Also worth mentioning is the quality of red army back in 1944. It was a war-hardened fighting machine practising blitzkrieg to the absolute limit. I would regard in many aspects asthe best in the world.
I think the average German Landser was still a better soldier than the average Red Army man in 1944, and the T-34/85 was not quite as good as the Panther, but overall, I agree. The Red Army of 1944 was one lean, mean, terrifying war machine, and woe to anyone who would stand in its path. With or without the West, The Reich was toast by 1944.
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Post by Kuniworth »

I found this text at a steel-panther fan site. It describes with nerve the germans in the korsun-pocket feb 1944. It gives you a feel of what it was like to fight the red army at the end of the war. I very much recommend you takin the time reading it.
www.fprado.com/armorsite/spwaw_camps01.htm
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Major Tom
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Post by Major Tom »

In regards to Rommel, he has been stated to be a good small forces commander, Regiment to Division, but a poor large force commander. His success has been with relatively small forces. When the Afrika Korps became larger and larger his performance decreased. Like many other Blitzkrieg commanders he was unable to learn beyond the 1940 tactics. He was defeated during Crusader and El Alemain because he was unable to learn beyond his tactics. He attacked at El Alemain in a predictable manner during the first battle. He used this tactic at Gazala a few months earlier, yet wrongly assumed that the British didn't learn. At Crusader he was unable to check the British advance during the critical period through a bout of undecisiveness.

On the attack he was a good commander, yet, he always failed on the defense (except during the early battles of Battleaxe, where the British were actually outnumbered by the Germans).

His desire to deploy Panzer divisions close to the coast for the defense of France was seen by many historians as the German's best possible move. It was said by him that the attack must be defeated on the beachead, with Panzers advancing and destorying the troops. However, when the Germans actually did this in Italy at Anzio they faced the fury of the Allied fleet. If the Germans had deployed their armoured formations close to the coast like Rommel wanted they would probably have been blasted to bits, allowing the Allies to achieve their goals much sooner.

He may have fought against 2:1 odds (including Italian forces), but he was up against much inferior British commanders. General O'Connor, his only true nemesis, was captured early in 1941. If he had not been captured, the British would have used their armoured forces much more effectively, like in their advance in 1940.

Rommel never was a Nazi, in fact he detested the SS, but, he only joined anti-Nazi plots at the very last moment, when the situation of the war was already decided. He was not one of the German commanders who in 1938 plotted against Hitler, but, only decided to do it when they had already lost. Admiral Canaris deserves the German morality award for plotting as early as 1938, and who also lost his life in 1945, unfortunately only a few days/weeks before the end of hostilities.

I find it interesting that when people compare Allied commanders, it invariably gets down to a battle between Montgomery and Patton. You can only like one of them though. It is like their feud has to be transposed to every military historian. I find it stupid. They both have good and bad qualities. They both succeeded and failed. Yet, I do not think that either deserve to be noted as the best Allied commander.

Frankly, the best Allied commander is a contest between Alexander and Slim. They were the best ALLIED commander, primarily due to their ability to work well in a coalition, as well as be tactical and stragegic geniouses. Neither Patton nor Montgomery were good field commanders of an Allied force. They feuded among themselves along national lines. Slim and Alexander, the commanders of Allied forces in Burma and Italy, were the best to keep the peace between allied nations. Slim was the most competent commander the British produced during the war, and was able to deal with the horrible Stilwell. Alexander was Britain's troubleshooter. Although many of his battles were not victories, he was usually called in when the situation was desperate and saved the British from total disaster. This happened in France in 1940 and in Burma in 1942.

Also, General Weygand of the French army performed miracles in June 1940 after taking command of the Shattered French forces. He held a line longer than the May 1940 line, with less men and equipment than his predacessor. His tactics, those of Hedgehogs, were used by NATO in the Cold-War era as a plan to defend against a possible soviet attack. If he was in command in May 1940, France might not have fallen.

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Post by Lokioftheaesir »

[QUOTE]Originally posted by Major Tom:


"I find it interesting that when people compare Allied commanders, it invariably gets down to a battle between Montgomery and Patton. You can only like one of them though. It is like their feud has to be transposed to every military historian. I find it stupid. They both have good and bad qualities. They both succeeded and failed. Yet, I do not think that either deserve to be noted as the best Allied commander."

Major Tom (from ground control)

I must admit that my unkind words about Monty
are derived from purely subjective dislike of what i've read of him.I will take your deductions of the best UK commanders to heart and read up on them. Maybe it is because i am Australian and the British never got it throught their skulls that Ausie soldiers were generaly better led, motivated and just down right superior combat troops. Even Rommel (i read) said the best troops he faced in N/Africa were the Australians.
It all started when Churchill threw away a generation at Galipoli (Lest we forget).

As to Patton. The guy was like Wyl-e Cyotee.
You coud'nt help but barrack for him even when he did stupid things. I've read that his men thought highly of him and after the war when asked they would reply 'I was in Pattons 3rd Army'. He gave men like Abrams a free reign as any good commander should.
Ten points for a pistol slinging Yahoo. Just what was needed at the time in a 'bankers' army of tedious yes men.

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jager506
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Post by jager506 »

I'd like to make a simple but perhaps overlooked observation. It's the "right time right place". Patton was IMHO the best Allied general - the only one comparable to the best German panzer generals.

I don't rate Montgomery very highly. He took over 8th Army in Africa at a time when Allied fortunes were swinging decisively in their favor. Rommel's supplies were not getting thru, the Sherman tank had become available and therefore able to match the PzIVF and 88mm guns, a fairly decisive air superiority etc. His victory at Alamein was just a case of using a wall of steel to bludgeon the defenders, and most of Rommel's forces were Italian. Even so, the Brits and allies took quite severe losses in breaking through. A victory to be sure, but I think many other generals could've replicated Alamein. Monty's style was reminiscent of the Russians - wait till you get overwhelming superiority in all areas, then just roll over the bad guys. Sure, it gets the job done, but I prefer the cut and thrust armored finesse of Guderian, Hoepner, Hoth et al.

As for best German general, I split them into several categories. For grand strategic/overall, I'd say Manstein. The attack thru the Ardennes in 1940 was his. If the Germans had used the modified Schlieffen Plan they would still have won, but the losses would have been much heavier. Most people think of Manstein as saving the situation in early 1943 at Kharkov, but he was also a great corps (LVI Panzer) and army (eleventh) commander, leading the charge towards Leningrad and taking the Crimea in 1941.

At the panzer army level, Guderian.
Rommel was a great commander at divisional level, going by the exploits of 7th Panzer in France and also at corps level but at the army group level not so good. Of course, he only got to control an army group in Normandy and against such insuperable odds ANY general would have been defeated sooner or later.
For defensive general, stuck between Kesselring and Model. Also Heinrici. Kesselring did a brilliant job in Italy but that country's natural defensive terrain gave him a great inherent advantage, whereas Model and Heinrici didn't have that. They often had to face over 4 or 5 to 1 odds on terrain suiting an armored attacker.

As an aside, my favorite Soviet general is Chuikov. He took over command of Stalingrad at a time when 62nd Army was getting the minimum of reserves since everything was going to Zhukov for his winter counterattack, and he had to face the German Sixth Army, the Wehrmacht's strongest. A brilliant tactician, he exploited the Germans weaknesses and his own strengths. Also an inspiring commander to his troops. Zhukov was just Montgomery on steroids - he cleared minefields by getting his infantry to charge over them. Duh.
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Post by Major Tom »

Actually, if the Germans would have attacked using the old WWI plan, they would probably have been defeated. The French and British deployed their best troops to counter this threat, while their poorest troops guarded the Sedan area. The main success of Blitzkrieg is to attack with a heavily armoured force without directly engaging the bulk of your enemy. In the actual straight fights in Belgium between regular French and German troops ended up in stalemates, notably the 1st Moroccan Division vs. an entire Panzer Korps.

I would put O'Conner over Patton as the best Allied armoured Commander. O'Connor was the true mastermind behind the British 1940 victory over the Italians. Sure, the Italians were not noted as much of a threat through history, but, their army of 1940 was strong, and their equipment comparatively good to 1940 British. It was the first major Allied land victory of the war, more total than any other single short engagement by either Patton or Montgomery. Unfortunatey he was captured early in Rommel's advance, purely due to the fact that the British were actually outnumbered in Eastern Libya (2 spread out divisions, vs. 3 German/Italian concentrated divisions). Since the veterans of the 1940 campaign were sent to Greece/East Africa/ or Egypt to refit, the forces facing Rommel in 1941 were green and equipped mostly with captured Italian equipment, whereas Rommel's troops were veterans of the France campaign, as well as some of the best Italian troops. He escaped in 1943 when Italy switched sides and fought well in Italy and France. Both Patton and Montgomery were too drawn to prove that they were destined to be great, instead of realizing that this was a war not to make people great, but, to defeat an enemy. Their antagonism between eachother probably only hurt the Allied cause. Individually they might have been good, but, together they were both bad commanders.

It would have been interesting to see how long Rommel's stay in Africa would have been with a competent Armoured opponent. One of the main British faults in the desert was to rely on Brigade formations, instead of Divisional formations. O'Conner's success in 1940, and later in 1943-45 was because he used his armoured formations correctly, in Divisional scale. Rommel's success was partially because when he attacked he had very good tactical superiority in numbers because of the British insistance to rely on Brigade groups. Also, since the British kept on removing the generals in command when they failed, nobody was around to learn from the lessons. If a commander fails, they undoubtedly will not do the same mistake twice, while a new commander might do that mistake again.

Strategically Rommel was outnumbered, but, that does not mean that every time he attacked he was against immediate overwhelming numbers.
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Post by Heartland »

Originally posted by jager506:
Monty's style was reminiscent of the Russians - wait till you get overwhelming superiority in all areas, then just roll over the bad guys.
Of course, characterising the Russians in this way is hardly fair, regardless of what one might think of Monty.

Fact of the matter is that the Russians spent most of the war at around 2 to 1 odds, as seen in the comparative strength tables in Glantz' "When Titans Clashed". Not until late 1944 did they start getting the kind of numerical superiority normally attributed to them by German generals, while in fact this was achieved by concentrating at the critical point, the Germans own schwerpunkt no less. Witness the number of times the Germans were caught completely off guard by massive offensives such as Uranus, Bagration, etc.

On the operational and strategic levels I would generally rate the Soviets as top notch, with Germans far, far behind. The saving grace of the Wehrmacht was the lower level coordination and improvisation of lowly troops and commanders, in the face of petiness and clashing wills at the high command.

Anyway...Rommel was an excellent small unit commander as witnessed in WWI, but hardly all that good commanding larger forces. Bonus points for being a seemingly nice allround chap.

Guderian. Very good and a visionary, but get detucted a couple of points for the big ego flaw common in generals. May have cost the Germans the Russian campaign when he refused to peel off several panzer units from his command to continue on Moscow, while Kiev was taken care of. Another deduction.

Manstein would probably be my bet, even though he also gets deducted a few points for ego size and dubious memoirs. He really was very good and saved Germany more than a few times.

Like others have mentioned though, outsiders such as Model, Heinrici and others don't get nearly enough credit!
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jager506
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Post by jager506 »

[QUOTE]Originally posted by Major Tom:
[QB]Actually, if the Germans would have attacked using the old WWI plan, they would probably have been defeated.

With due respect Major Tom I don't agree that the Germans would have been defeated. No argument that blitzkrieg relies very heavily on surprise, but the Germans still enjoyed overwhelming air superiority in 1940 and they massed their armor. The Allies scattered their tanks piecemeal. While Rundstedt had the bulk of the armor (7 panzer divisions), Bock with only 3 managed to overrun Holland and was steadily pushing back the Belgians and the Brits (OK, so he wasn't exactly blitzing them) Plus the Allied forces were very poorly equipped with anti-tank weapons in 1940, in contrast to a 1943 or 1944 division. The French and Brits were still trained and equipped to fight a 1914-18 type of war in 1940.

Kudos to O'Connor's accomplishments, but they were over the Italians and even in 1940 they were a feeble, poorly motivated army. True they outnumbered the British empire forces, but their deployment was so asinine after some initial success that O'Connor with less than 2 divisions defeated them in detail.
As for equipment, the British Matilda tanks were invulnerable to the Italian M13s and puny anti-tank artillery. Yes, the victory was the first and quite complete, and if Rommel had not arrived, the Italians would've likely been kicked completely out of North Africa.Not sure about O Connor's later performance, don't think they were given much coverage. Did he fight mainly in Italy or France in the later years?

Yes, Patton and Monty had their antagonism, but relatively minor I think compared to say between Kluge and Guderian (former actually challenged latter to a DUEL) or Zhukov and Koniev. It would have been interesting if O'Connor or Patton had faced Rommel in 1941 with just a couple of divisions and without air supremacy.

Churchill mucked up when he diverted forces to help Greece. Perhaps he felt honor-bound to help the brave Greeks, but strategically it was a poor move. I read somewhere that the North African war would have been considerably shortened if he hadn't done that. Then again, in late 1941/early 1942, some Aussie divisions were recalled to face the Japanese, further weakening the 8th Army. But on the flip side, Rommel only had 2 panzer divisions (I think we can largely discount the 3 Italian mechanized divisions)
to fight the Brits with. At Alamein, for example, both sides had something like 10 divisions or so apiece, BUT all of the Allied divisions (UK, Aussie, NZ, Indian) were good formations, whereas Rommel had only 3 German (1 non-armored) and these were not at full strength. My biggest criticism of Monty was that he let the German remnants get away at Alamein. He knew how much damage he had inflicted - he should have cut off their retreat. Then they could have saved another 6 months or so of fighting in Tunisia. Plus his performance in Normandy was hardly spectacular. He was given a great deal of say in the planning and he boasted that he would take Caen on D+1 but it took him more than 6 weeks to do so.
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Post by RickyB »

Originally posted by jager506:
Kudos to O'Connor's accomplishments, but they were over the Italians and even in 1940 they were a feeble, poorly motivated army. True they outnumbered the British empire forces, but their deployment was so asinine after some initial success that O'Connor with less than 2 divisions defeated them in detail.
As for equipment, the British Matilda tanks were invulnerable to the Italian M13s and puny anti-tank artillery. Yes, the victory was the first and quite complete, and if Rommel had not arrived, the Italians would've likely been kicked completely out of North Africa.Not sure about O Connor's later performance, don't think they were given much coverage. Did he fight mainly in Italy or France in the later years?
I believe that O'Connor was captured by the Germans during Rommel's first thrust after landing. He was sent to analyze the situation at the front after Rommel had routed the initial British forces and was captured. I don't have my sources handy to confirm all of this but I do believe that it is correct.
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matt.buttsworth
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Post by matt.buttsworth »

Point on odds.
Am suspicious and Glantz's work when titans clashed. Although saying he describes period before the war, almost all his quotes are from the time after the German attack when the Russians were totally out of position, lost their planes, and much of fuel etc.
Before the German attack the Russians had an enormous superiority in men, artillery, tanks and planes and industrial production.
that was why they were able to survive the tremendous losses and then outnumber the germans from Jan 1942 on.
1944 is much too late a date to say that was when the odds began to favour the Russians.
See Walter Post Barbarossa.
lucascuccia
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Post by lucascuccia »

Hello Guys,
New to the forum.

Just wanted to wade in on the subject.

IMHO the best was Manstien. He understood both the tactical and strategic. Just look at the massive 43 campaign. Look at his holding actions in late 42. Look at the Crimea in 41 and 42. He did it with and without Infanry,Armor, Aircraft, and allies. He get getting larger commands an was a master with all.

To throw out a few others mentioned.

Guderian (My favorite) strickly a tank man. Never has a supreme battlefield command. Never really fought when Germany was losing. Moltke never lead a retreat comes to mind.

Rommel-Excellent field commander. Maybe their best. Never understood the big picture of Logisitcs. The failure at Malta not being taken was his.

Kesselring-Outstanding theater commander. Managed the big picture very well. While he kept he pieces in the right place, he usually never directed the battles.

For the Allies
O'Connor is the best tactical officer for the Brits. 1940-41 and 1944 prove that.

Wavell is the best Area CO.

Lawton Collins of VII Corps and Pacific fame is best field leader.

Patton has a strong showing for Army Boss over Bradley, Hodges, and Simpson. The problem is that when 1944 ETO happens, save for infantry replacement, the Allies have no wants. None of them operated on shoestrings like the Pacific in 42 and 43 or the Brits in the Med.

Just My HO
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Post by matt.buttsworth »

Guderian, Model, Mainstein were about the best German eastern front generals in my book. To throw in another name not mentioned in this discussion, Mannerheim's work in designing the Finnish defences for the first winter war, and then in the diplomacy and agreements which enabled Finland to survive as an independent power after the war (the only country on the Western border of the Soviet Union which did) should not at all be underestimated.
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Post by Ed Cogburn »

Originally posted by Matthew Buttsworth:
and then in the diplomacy and agreements which enabled Finland to survive as an independent power after the war (the only country on the Western border of the Soviet Union which did) should not at all be underestimated.

I've always wondered why that happened. The Finns attack them in the Continuation War, but in '44 the Soviets don't bother running their steamroller all the way to Helsinki, which they could have easily done. Below Finland, the Soviets occupied everything from the USSR to the Austrian border, but they don't finish off Finland which couldn't stand for very long against Soviet pressure. Why?
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Post by matt.buttsworth »

apart from the losses that invovled one rumour I heard from a Mannerheim fan was that he made a secret agreement with the Russians that Finnish troops would not attack the Murmansk railway or threaten Leningrad which he stuck too with the Soviet side of the bargain being not to invade Finland which they too stuck too.
Finnish war aims were limited to tryign to get back Keralia which they never regained.
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Post by Ed Cogburn »

Originally posted by Major Tom:
His desire to deploy Panzer divisions close to the coast for the defense of France was seen by many historians as the German's best possible move. It was said by him that the attack must be defeated on the beachead, with Panzers advancing and destorying the troops. However, when the Germans actually did this in Italy at Anzio they faced the fury of the Allied fleet. If the Germans had deployed their armoured formations close to the coast like Rommel wanted they would probably have been blasted to bits, allowing the Allies to achieve their goals much sooner.

I don't disagree about your opinion of Rommel, but I don't understand this part.

The Allies may have "blasted" the Germans at Anzio, but the Germans *held* at Anzio and pinned the entire Allied force in a narrow beachhead for almost half a year. This situation didn't change until a major offensive was launched that resulted in a breakthrough to the south. To avoid having his forces cut off, Kesselring had his forces retreat to the Gustav Line north of Rome. In other words, they held the beachhead sucessfully by being close when the landings occurred, unlike what was to happen in Normandy, because armored/mechanized forces were not nearby.

Secondly, having Panzer Divisions close to the beach doesn't mean putting them in plain sight. The Allies would not be able to do much if theses forces are already deployed close to the beaches and under camouflage. If they attack and fail to make headway they fall back to these same prepared locations. Once they reach the shore and are in close contact with Allied forces that are on the beach or just now getting off it, fire support can be called in, but its an open question as to whether the Allied Fleet by convential Naval fire support could destroy the enemy formations before the panzers overwhelm the beachhead. Odds are you'd inflict major losses on your own troops trying to bring Naval gun fire to bear on enemy tanks that are in close with your own troops.

I don't think the presence of Naval fire support is a guarantee that an armored counterattack, the same day or better yet that night, could have been stopped.
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Post by Barbos »

Originally posted by Matthew Buttsworth:
Point on odds.
Am suspicious and Glantz's work when titans clashed. Although saying he describes period before the war, almost all his quotes are from the time after the German attack when the Russians were totally out of position, lost their planes, and much of fuel etc.
Before the German attack the Russians had an enormous superiority in men, artillery, tanks and planes and industrial production.
that was why they were able to survive the tremendous losses and then outnumber the germans from Jan 1942 on.
1944 is much too late a date to say that was when the odds began to favour the Russians.
See Walter Post Barbarossa.
Please explain what you mean under "enormous superiority in men": is it 2-3:1 or 9-11:1 odds or more? Russians are masters of brute force etc.
Let us have a look at stats again. By 1941 population of the Soviet Union was about 190-195 millions, nearly twice as much as that of the Axis.
You may say that the Germany's satellites' troops were inferior to Germans - note that Soviets were far from homogeneous as well. Russians (half of the population) were the most motivated and determined to defend their homeland, this cannot be said of most of men from Ukrain, Baltic and Central Asia republics, especially in the early period, when atrocities of German Ostpolitik did not fully come out. The second: Hitler had to keep at least 25-30% of his forces at the West. But Soviet Union also had to defend its huge borders with dozens of divisions, the most against hostile Japan and Turkey. The third: during fast summer 1941 retreat the Soviets did not mobilize millions of men in the western regions and lost total of 80 mln population which remained under ccupation. The fourth: Soviets had no that many millions slaves Ostarbeiters which allowed Germany to perform total mobilizations, the Soviets had to keep considerable part of labor force at home factories. So by late 1942 the manpower pools were almost equal: approximately 6.0 mln Axis soldiers on battlefield at the East vs 6.2 mln Soviets. On arty, tanks and planes the sides also had some parity. It was just after Stalingrad when odds began to grow to Soviet favour again, so by March 1945 they had 6.5 mln men vs 3.1 mln Germans, 4:1 in tanks and 9:1 in planes at the Eastern front. Is this the "enormous odds in men"? I think this is a widely spread
western stereotype of the Russians - masters of brute force. The data may look doubtful, so estimate the manpower basing initial
population and losses charts, they are known more or less exactly. So you will see that the "enormous odds" is a kind of myth.
The same I would say about generals. Some of you mention O'Connor, who operated with just couple of divisions for very short period against poor Italian troops. Maybe he's great, but he'd better prove it against
Germans.
Montgomery at Alamein just ousted outnumbered, low on fuel and ammo a few German divisions mostly when Rommel was on leave from Africa. Later, in Europe he launched the Market Garden operation which ended with disaster. He sacrificed a whole British paratroop division lost with almost no effect and was shameless enough to call
the operation "90 percent success".
I think Patton was the best western general - he showed the classical Blitzkrieg in France, although in period when Germans were very far from their full force.

And about Soviet generals. I was amazed a bit since in this topic Zhukov was mentioned mostly for failing to trap German forces at Caucasus (any other commander would do it
easily) and clearing minefields with feet of his infantrymen.
So I must say that Zhukov's victories began near Leningrad (09.41) and later near Moscow, when he brilliantly organized defensive and counter-offensive operations in desperate situation. Of course, the principle of Stalingrad operation (11.42) was obvious, but the non-trivial point was
to find proper place and moment for breakthrough, estimate forces, resistance etc.

The funny story about Konev's Korsun (Cherkassy) pocket that trapped 56,000 Germans in 02.44. The exact outcome of the battle is not yet known for sure. So, Konev who indeed spent those days on the field of battle, wrote later of "no one German escaped". On the other hand, Manstein reported of 30-32,000 his soldiers released. Sure, Manstein's point was adopted by the
western historians and public. However they both are known to have been sometimes writing lies (which is quite normal for any memoirs), the same battle looks as a continuous chain of the author's victories. I better believe Zhukov who had no warm relations to both and may be more or less impartial. He wrote that "on the final blizzard night a few small columns of Germans managed to escape by foot". How many - who knows?

Then came Bagramian and Chernyakhovsky's operation in Belorussia (07-08.44) which
started with consecutive skillful strikes at Busch's defenses that distracted, trapped his reserves and broke a vast hole a few hundreds kilometers wide. This was a true Blitz, the reversed 1941 in 1944.

In August 1944 Malinovsky and Tolbukhin launched the Jassy-Kishinev operation, again encircled and destroyed a dozen of Axis divisions which resulted in that Friessner's South Ukrain Army Group ceased to exist and
Romania "switched sides". It was this moment when German HQ issued a special order to forbid use of the word "catastrophe" in the troops.

Seem to have written too much, yeah?
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Post by matt.buttsworth »

Agreed on your point about Zhukov. He did have some marvellous victories albeit at huge costs - the Soviets were always extremely wasteful with their men - and that the Soviet army strength did stay about 6.2 million and stay there despite their losses (due to their manpower superiority).
The amount of troops or weaponry kept by the Soviets on the Japanese, Iranian, and Turkish borders is totally incomparable with the costs of German deployments in North Africa and Western Europe.
Cannot agree in terms of materielle, where the Soviet superiority in brute numbers was of tanks, artillery and planes (with many of those being of low quality), which declined with the terrible losses due to the German Blitzkereig of 1941 but thereafter steadily recovered.
To quote some figures from Walter Post Unterhehmen Barossa of army strength June 21 1941.
German Barbarossa strength planes 3,410 (total 5,714), artillery pieces 8,072, (32, 710), tanks 3,582 (5,639) divisions 190 (209)
Soviet first and second echelons (all deployed or being deployed on Western front)
planes 9917 including 3,719 modern (plus second echelon 20,000, artillery pieces 34,695, (79,100), tanks 12,800 incl 1800 middle and heavy tanks totally superior to German (23,200), divisions 237 (303).
It is that superiority I am talking about which is ignored by Glantz who makes out the Soviet army was much weaker than it was in June 1941 and only became more powerful later.
despite real problems in training and aircraft quality it was immensely powerful in June 1941 - I would say the most powerful army in the world - despite the excellence of the Wehrmacht - and given the superiority of Soviet tank and artillery production remained immensely powerful despite the tremendoes losses suffered.
Most of those losses resulted from the Soviet army being in attack position in June 1941 which raises the unanswerable question of why were they?
Had they been in defensive positions with the armour held back in reserve for the counter attack (with counter attack being their supposed plan although counter attacks were meant to be fought on the territory of the attacker which is a strange counter attack) they would have been invincible with the Germans having no hope of getting anywhere near Moscow.
Conversely had the Germans hesitated, put off their attack a year etc, and the Soviets decided to attack first, their army (backed by an industry that did not have to be transported to the Urals etc and by a population that was never overrun) would also have been invincible.
It was the curious combination of a German attack at a time when the Russians were hurrying into attack positions that gave the Germans their only possible chance.
Zhukov though should be on the list of Great WW2 generals, an assessment the German generals of the time would no doubt have agreed with.
(Sorry about all the figures but I thought it was a serious point - Soviet production figures which I do not at the moment at my fingertips have would make the point much more compelling).
Mist
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Joined: Tue Nov 21, 2000 10:00 am
Location: Russia, Moscow

Post by Mist »

No matter what says Suvorov. His conclusions are very doubtfull and can not be used as arguement in discussions. His arguements are false sometimes which allows him to conclude that things that could not happen would happen in 1941. Don't know about everyone, but I will neither discuss Suvorov's arguements, nor take them into account. His works are not reliable source. They are subject of discussion itself. Instead of this, I will give you quotation from Manstein's Lost Victories. It is translation from German to Russian to English, so insignificant distortions are possible.
Sorry for bad quality. I think that you'll be able to get the main idea.

...We were arguing very much about Soviet troops deployment. Had it defensive or offensive shape. According to the mass tank forces concentration around Byalystok and Lvov, one could conclude(and that was Hitler's motivation to begin the war) that Soviet Union would go into offensive earlier or later. On the other side, Sovier forces deployment on 22 june did not say in favor of intention to begin offensive in the nearest time..
VOroshilov's army group, which was standing against of our Army Group North, had only 7 divisions on the boarder, though it had also 29th rifle div., 2nd tank div. and 6 mech.br.(according to von Tippelskirch) which were deployed in the rear. near Shaulai, Kovno(Kaunas) and Vilno(Vilnus) and partialy even in the Pskov-Opchka area(which were on the Stalin's Line). Both other Soviet Army Groups(Timoshenko and Budeny) also were deeply echeloned, though they had much stronger boarder units.
The following conclusion will be closer to the truth more that anything else: Soviet troops deployment, which was already began in the period of occupation of East Poland, Bessarabia and Baltic countries, was the deployment "just in case". Soviet troops, unarguably, were so deeply echeloned, that with their deployment they were ready only for defence at 22 june 1941. But whole picture could depend on development of political and military state of Germany and change quickly. Red Army, was stronger than German Army in number terms but not in quality terms. In short period of time, it could be redeployed in proper way to begin offensive. Soviet troops deployment, which probably was preparation for defense at 22 june, was the hidden threat in the same time. As soon as Soviet Union recieved a chance, it would be a immediate threat.
Of course, Stalin would not begin a war in Summer '41. But if Soviet government, decided to go with political pressure on Germany or even with military threat, then undoubdfully defensive preparations could be changed into offensive ones. It was deployment "just in case"....


[ May 28, 2001: Message edited by: Mist ]
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